Hayatu-deen: Opposition Needs to Build Bridges among Themselves to Unseat APC

A presidential aspirant on the platform of the African Democratic Congress, Alhaji Mohammed Hayatu-Deen, in this interview stresses the importance of protecting the democratic right to assembly while urging the electorate to choose the best and brightest candidate capable of effectively governing Nigeria, noting that effective leadership is essential for national progress and stability. Linus Aleke brings excerpts.

Why do you want to be President of Nigeria?

The answer is straightforward. By 2019, it had become increasingly clear to me that Nigeria was heading in the wrong direction. The signs were visible across virtually every sector. A country that once projected strength and stability across Africa, contributing troops to United Nations peacekeeping missions from Congo to Liberia and Sierra Leone, and supporting liberation struggles in Southern Africa, was gradually descending into violence, instability and uncertainty.

For someone who experienced Nigeria’s golden era as a student and young professional, watching the country deteriorate in that manner was deeply painful. Nigeria is a nation of about 240 million people with no history of natural disasters. We possess approximately 88 million hectares of arable land, abundant sunshine and rainfall, maritime access to the world, and a vibrant population that has always celebrated unity in diversity. Yet, despite these enormous advantages, we have consistently underperformed because of governance failures.

I believe many of us in the private sector made a mistake in the 1980s and 1990s. We looked down on politics and regarded it as a dirty game. We remained in our boardrooms, criticising politicians without participating directly in governance. In hindsight, that was a serious error. If more professionals had entered politics from 1999 onward, whether as local government chairmen, lawmakers or governors, Nigeria might have benefited from a stronger blend of technical competence and political leadership.

By 2021, I concluded that it was no longer enough to sit back and complain. I decided I had to participate directly in shaping the country’s future. That decision led me to join the Peoples Democratic Party in January, 2022 to contest for the presidency. I travelled extensively across the country and engaged with Nigerians from different backgrounds. The experience gave me deeper insight into both the strengths and weaknesses of our political system.

However, as the primaries approached, I became increasingly disturbed by what I described at the time as the obscene monetisation of politics. I witnessed political transactions conducted in ways that deeply troubled me, and on the eve of the convention, I withdrew from the race.

By 2026, I began to observe what I considered a gradual decline in the quality of political practice, beginning within the PDP and extending more broadly across the political landscape.

You are not a newcomer. Before joining the race, you knew what you were entering. But you are also not the only person in the party. Your party has former Vice President Atiku Abubakar and other prominent figures. What do you think your chances are, especially against people many believe are already politically well organised?

I thought you might spare me because I am Lagosian like you. But that is the essence of democracy. Every eligible citizen has the constitutional right to contest for any office of their choice. More importantly, this is a serious undertaking, and we are at a defining moment in the country’s history. I am a thorough professional, and I do not approach important matters lightly. I have carefully studied the current situation, where the country is headed, and the kind of leadership required at this critical moment.

I believe Nigeria’s problems are fundamentally social and economic. They require someone with a deep understanding of the country’s economic and social history, as well as the capacity to provide practical and far-reaching solutions. Growing up, including during the Civil War, whenever Nigeria faced major challenges, it usually recovered within a few years because leadership clearly understood the nature and scale of the problems. Governments acknowledged those challenges, outlined solutions and gave citizens hope with a clear direction forward.

However, from around 2007 onwards, the country entered a prolonged period of decline characterised by worsening living conditions, rising unemployment, inflation, insecurity, and the deterioration of education and healthcare systems. For a country with such enormous resources, that is deeply troubling. If you look at the period between 2007 and 2027, that represents two decades of hardship. At the same time, the population has continued to grow rapidly. Yet Nigeria is not without potential. Countries such as Rwanda and Ghana faced severe crises in the past, but through focused leadership and strategic planning, they were able to recover and achieve significant progress.

Today, countries such as Kenya, Rwanda and Uganda are recording strong economic growth rates. For Nigeria to remain trapped in decline for such a prolonged period is unacceptable. That is my primary motivation for entering the race. Throughout my career, I have built a reputation for solving problems, and I believe that experience equips me to lead the country effectively. What Nigeria requires is a disciplined, efficient and focused government capable of delivering welfare, stability and prosperity to its citizens. I am also a firm believer in national unity. I was raised to believe that if one Nigerian in Okitipupa, Yola or Kontagora goes to bed hungry, then all Nigerians are affected in one way or another. We must rise above regionalism, tribalism and other divisions. The responsibility of leadership is to deliver the greatest good for the greatest number of people and to reduce poverty significantly.

I believe the platform I am presenting is highly competitive. What I am offering the party are the unique capabilities and experience I bring to the table in the hope of being chosen as its flag-bearer.

If you are not given the ticket, what should Nigerians expect from you? Will you remain in the party?

As I have said previously on television, I am guided by values and principles. I am not a conventional politician. In my own modest way, I have built a reputation over the years, and at this stage of my life, I would never do anything to compromise my integrity or credibility.

Loyalty and commitment are important to me, and I have demonstrated both throughout my career. Personal ambition, when taken too far, can destroy a person. God has been very kind to me, and I have been privileged to serve in positions of significance in this country. I do not believe I need anything more for myself personally.

The simple answer is that I trust the party leadership to conduct a fair process. Whoever emerges as the candidate will have my support. I will stand behind that person and work with the party to ensure victory.

What gives you confidence that whoever emerges as your party’s candidate stands a chance in the next election, given the voting patterns Nigeria has maintained over the last few years, and coupled with the legal challenges still facing the party?

It is part of human existence that life is full of opportunities and challenges. When you see opportunities and challenges, you take action to maximise the opportunities and mitigate the challenges. These legal challenges were not of our making. They were thrown at us, and most of them, in my humble opinion, are without merit. They are meant to stop us. So far, we have been doing well in dealing with those challenges. Secondly, we believe in party supremacy, and that is one of the core things that distinguishes the ADC from other parties.

In the First Republic under Tafawa Balewa, and in the Second Republic under Shehu Shagari, parties were supreme. Whoever was president subjected himself to party dictates.Every Wednesday under the Shagari administration, I was very young at the time, but I remember that President Shagari would go to the party headquarters. Adisa Akinloye, who was the chairman, would sit at the head of the table. They would discuss party programmes, link them to what the executive was doing, take decisions, and the President would go on to implement them. Over time, the authority of the party has been eroded, and individuals now take a lot of liberty to do what they like. In answering your question, I would like to state that the ADC intends that once the primaries are over and somebody emerges, we will collectivise all our energies, imagination and resources to nudge the candidate forward in consonance with the values and policies of the party, and prosecute a brilliant campaign to get our people into office. Once they get into office, we will put them on watch to ensure that they carry out the programmes and policies of the party for which the Nigerian people voted them into office. That does not mean there will be total rigidity. As things change on the ground, based on feedback from the Nigerian people, you adjust your policies and programmes accordingly.

Thirdly, you are not going to deprive a governor or a president of exercising the constitutional powers given to him under the Constitution and the laws. But that person must not become a runaway dictator. He needs to be put in check. Charity begins at home. That will be my answer.

Given the legal challenges ahead of the ADC, there are fears that the party may not make it onto the ballot. Also, a chieftain of the Nigeria Democratic Party, Dr Rabiu Kwankwaso, recently said the NDC and ADC are still looking forward to working together ahead of 2027. Do you foresee such an alliance President?

 I have not seen it coming. But 24 hours is a long time in politics. Anything is possible, and politicians do make political statements. If such a thing is happening, it may very well be under private discussion with some party leaders. But the point I would like to make is that the APC is strong and powerful in terms of having command over all the levers of power; the judiciary, the electoral umpire, security and intelligence agencies.

For the opposition, what we need to do is build bridges among ourselves and push aside individual ambitions to collaborate on things that are more common and futuristic, in order to give the APC a good run for its money.The people of this country deserve a choice. That is the whole essence of constitutional democracy.

These are universal norms and practices. Democracy is not designed to hinder people or institutions from the right of assembly and the right to form associations. Our masters are the Nigerian people. It is you, John, Peter, Ahmed, Hassan, Buka and others who really matter. You are elected into office to serve the 230 or 240 million Nigerian people. Unfortunately, education and enlightenment are lagging behind. Hunger is a big problem. Political enlightenment in this country has not reached a threshold where the ordinary Nigerian fully understands how much power he has in his hands to elect, remove and hold elected officials accountable.

In other African countries, for example Ghana, literacy is very high and remains so. You saw the last election in Ghana and how John Mahama came back. Nigeria has taken ten thousand steps backwards in that respect. Unfortunately, as a leader in Africa that once preached these values and helped emancipate other African countries, we are now facing a major suffocation of the political space. This is not only due to internal issues or quarrels within political parties; some of it is externally induced.

I think it behoves all of us to do what is right and proper. If you condone it today simply because you favour a particular government, tomorrow you may have somebody else who will take you down that alley. After a series of elections, you may end up with a zero-sum game where democracy is totally dismembered and fractured. You may have democracy in name and on paper, but in practice, complete dictatorship.

In the event that you or Atiku Abubakar emerges, how are you going to convince voters who may feel that the South should produce the next president?

I hear what you say, and I respect what you say. But it has been my longstanding belief that governments exist to deliver outstanding value to the Nigerian people, to raise the quality of life for all Nigerians. People should be able to sleep under a good roof, eat three square meals a day at the minimum, get jobs, live in an environment where inflation is low, and where those who have retired are guaranteed a safety net and pension. Education and healthcare should be affordable. Government should also provide recreational facilities for citizens because, although that may look soft and intangible, it has enormous value. When you set up a government, you provide these things for the Nigerian people. That is what makes government relevant. Let us link it to the issue of zoning. A pregnant woman in advanced labour, rushing to the hospital for help, where there is an acute shortage of drips, syringes or medicine, and gasping for her life, what does that have to do with zoning? A jobless person who comes from the same part of the country as somebody in power, but who has never met that person in his life, how does zoning help him? How does that help the conversation or reality?Fundamentally, zoning is an elite game. When you put your hand on the Bible or the Quran and swear that you will do justice to all manner of people, it becomes your sacred responsibility before God Almighty to look after the welfare of the people. Olusegun Obasanjo was in office for eight years. Demonstrably, he was a very energetic president. He did very well. Nobody is without fault, there was the issue of third term and all that, but put that aside and look at the core issues and the core data. I did not care whether he was black, blue or green.

The man was delivering on the mandate. I think it behoves people of intellect, like yourselves, to help enlighten the public that some of these divisive sentiments are elite games. They are driven by who wants to become president, who wants to become governor, who wants power. If Peter Obi, for example, emerges tomorrow and becomes a Gandhi or an Abraham Lincoln, you will find Nigerians trooping to his flag. But if he becomes an ethnic jingoist, good luck to him, both here on earth and before God Almighty. Leadership is a sacred trust. You are not supposed to discriminate because people do not come from your area or do not share your religion. Unfortunately, because of social media, these sentiments have taken on a life of their own in the last 15 to 20 years.

What we should do is go for the best and the brightest; people who understand what it takes to govern a country very well, and people who are so jealous of their country that they want to put it on the global map. Those, I think, are the important considerations.

In 2022, you withdrew from the presidential race because of the monetisation of politics. Are you seeing any such symptoms now?

I have made no contributions. Nothing has been requested from me, and nobody is collecting anything. If anything, the leadership is very resistant to taking money. That has been my personal experience. Apart from paying my party dues, nothing at all.

So, you are optimistic that the primaries will not be monetised?

How would it be monetised? Unless you go out into the field and delegates go and collect money from a poor ward chairman. Otherwise, these things begin from the top. Once the top sets standards and demonstrates them through personal example, everyone else follows suit. The ADC is remarkable in that regard—absolutely remarkable.

There is talk about consensus. Are other aspirants talking to you about stepping down? And if they do, would you step down for anyone?

I will not step down unless the person wins. Then I will support that person. The party will decide. When they make their decision and say, “This is the person we have chosen,” based on very elaborate criteria, I will give my input. Then, in a closed session, they will deliberate and make a decision. Once they say, “This is the person we have selected,” I will support that person.

What should Nigerians expect from you if you are elected President?

Nigeria has a litany of challenges that are both structural and operational. When a patient is taken into a trauma room, the first thing you do is stop the bleeding. Nigeria is bleeding on many fronts. The so-called low-hanging fruits must come first. First and foremost, you have to alleviate the immediate pain and suffering of the people by addressing the cost-of-living crisis and unemployment. This can be achieved by embarking on massive public works programmes and other initiatives.

You also have to tackle insecurity, but this must be carefully managed and implemented in phases because it is deep-rooted. The key is to understand the dynamics between insecurity and economic deprivation. Insecurity today is largely driven by an entrenched economic crisis. No one in a natural state of mind seeks to kill or destroy others; the problems are both social and economic.

When a child is born into a very poor family where there is no access to basic necessities such as three square meals a day, and education is unaffordable, that child grows up with limited prospects. Their backs are against the wall. As they enter adolescence, they are also exposed to the influence of social media. Today, almost everyone has access to a mobile phone. They see what is happening globally compared with their immediate environment—the good, the bad and the ugly. They are also exposed to how banditry and terrorism operate elsewhere. Information about improvised explosive devices and criminal networks flows easily across borders, making it simple for individuals to replicate such behaviours in their own environment.

You may find a teenager who has probably never seen N10,000 at once in his life. Suddenly, he acquires a weapon, takes part in attacks on villages, rustles cattle, and finds himself in possession of N20 million or N30 million. Once that floodgate opens, it becomes extremely difficult to close.

Very quickly, he begins to believe he is living a good life by his own definition—one involving drinking, drugs, violence and criminality. He recruits friends, relations and cousins into the cycle. What begins as a small fire gradually becomes a bonfire and eventually a bushfire. It becomes a culture. That is essentially what has been happening.

In my view, the root cause of insecurity is fundamentally socioeconomic. The second is the erosion of values. The value system in the country, and indeed globally, has deteriorated significantly. Social media culture, particularly among younger generations, can be highly toxic. Many people are more interested in sensationalism and headline-grabbing than in substance, values or history. These are some of the fundamental issues that must be addressed. There are immediate, low-hanging interventions that government can implement. However, there is also a second category of challenges that are more complex and long-term. Nigeria needs a major national reorientation programme—a deliberate rebuilding of values, ethics and social conduct. This must be a sustained and systematic effort over time to restore Nigeria as a nation of excellence, where people are disciplined, law-abiding, respectful of elders and conscious of the common good.

The challenges may appear overwhelming, and many believe they are insurmountable. But with sincere, focused leadership and the discipline to commit the necessary resources, solutions are achievable.

No matter how much economic progress is made, without a reset of values, development will remain limited.

Poverty eradication is crucial. Consider countries such as India, which once faced challenges comparable to Nigeria’s, yet today, with a population more than five times larger, has made significant progress. This has been achieved through consistent leadership and sustained commitment to development goals over decades.

Strengthening education and healthcare systems is also critical. However, all of this requires a clear strategic plan that is deliberately designed, not based on wishful thinking or utopian ideas. Everything begins with a vision—an understanding of where the country should be in the future and a structured pathway to get there, through short-, medium- and long-term planning.

If given the opportunity, the immediate priority would be to address the everyday challenges facing Nigerians: infrastructure, education, healthcare, unemployment and the high cost of living. The first focus would be poverty reduction and stimulating aggregate demand to restore purchasing power and dignity to ordinary citizens.

The second major priority is rural development. Too many people have left rural communities for urban centres because rural economies are no longer functional. What is needed are integrated rural development programmes that create complete economic ecosystems—mini growth centres linked to agriculture, livestock, irrigation, processing, storage, logistics, marketing and distribution. These should also include research centres tied to agricultural clusters, alongside cooperatives and appropriate financing structures.

When I joined NNDC after graduating in 1977, I was posted to one of its agricultural subsidiaries. My work involved engineering, economic and social studies to assess the viability of irrigating about 400,000 hectares of land.

Several years later, that entire corridor had been transformed. Thriving communities emerged, with improved housing, motorcycles and vehicles becoming common. People became more prosperous through year-round farming and participation in a functioning agricultural economy. They produced oranges, livestock and a range of other goods. That single initiative transformed lives, and it remains a powerful example.

The next phase is industrialisation—building an export-driven industrial base that conserves foreign exchange, promotes local production and serves both Nigeria and the wider sub-region. This is followed by entry into the information age, where the country moves decisively into high-end services driven by robotics, artificial intelligence, technology and innovation, while diversifying its sources of national income. At the same time, human capital is developed to the extent that Nigerians no longer need to travel abroad for basic services such as healthcare.

However, such transformation cannot be achieved by one administration alone.

It requires continuity across two or three administrations—perhaps 10 to 15 years of disciplined development planning. This must be supported by multiple development plan cycles with measurable targets embedded institutionally, and in some cases constitutionally, to ensure continuity.

That is how countries such as Botswana, Malaysia and Singapore developed.

Dubai, in the mid-1980s, was little more than desert and camels. What changed these places was vision, consistency and disciplined execution. Nigeria’s advantage today is that it is not starting from scratch. Much of what is required has already been tested elsewhere, and technology is far more advanced than it was decades ago, allowing for faster progress if properly applied. Everything has been done somewhere in the world. The real question is whether there is the leadership, discipline and vision to adapt and implement those ideas effectively in Nigeria.